President Biden made the right decision last week when he allowed Ukraine to use US-supplied weapons to attack targets inside Russia. Although the actions are limited to “counterattack purposes” just across Ukraine's northern border, they will strengthen Ukraine's and our security.
First of all, this decision will help Ukraine counter Russia's growing aggression. Taking advantage of the US government's six-month delay in sending military aid to the Ukrainians, Russian autocrat Vladimir Putin advanced further into eastern Ukraine; he launched a new 70-mile-wide offensive into northern Ukraine; captured about 180 square miles of Ukrainian territory; fired more than 3,000 glide bombs of up to one and a half tons; and intensified shelling of Ukraine's second-largest city, Kharkiv, destroying power plants, residences and a hardware megastore. More than 100 Ukrainian settlements are attacked daily by Russia.
Biden's announcement already appears to be making a difference in the war. Just two days after the decision, images showed the prized Russian S-300/400 surface-to-air launcher exploding in flames in Russia, about 35 miles from Ukraine's northern border. Ukraine could only reach it with HIMARS missiles supplied by the United States. Other attacks, possibly also using US-supplied M270 launchers, severely damaged a Russian base, a weapons storage area, and armored vehicle repair facilities. These efforts are helping Ukraine halt the Russian offensive in Kharkiv and undermine Russia's ability to strike further west and potentially target kyiv.
Secondly, there is a multiplier effect. With the United States being the largest supplier of military equipment to Ukraine, our permit is a more powerful example than permits previously granted by Great Britain and Poland. And the day before Biden's announcement, the leaders of France and Germany declared that Ukraine should be able to use weapons supplied by others against legitimate targets inside Russia. We and our allies have expressed our determination and unity to support Ukraine.
Third, we showed Putin that his scaremongering failed. Biden's announcement rightly challenged the Kremlin's threat to attack European countries “with small, densely populated territories” if American weapons strike inside Russia. Our national security officials have indicated that they detect no changes in Russia's preparation for a nuclear attack. Furthermore, using nuclear weapons in Ukraine or attacking a European country (presumably a NATO member) would undermine Putin's entire strategy: betting on diminishing international visibility and support to force Ukraine's surrender.
Fourth, we note that, while limited, Biden's authorization opens the door to later allowing Ukraine to pursue more distant objectives. Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken said the United States will “adapt and adjust as necessary” in the future. This is important. We are telling our adversaries not to count on the United States always choosing the side of moderation. This is crucial to give pause not only to Moscow, but also to Beijing, Tehran and Pyongyang.
As important as Biden's authorization is, it is not enough. Given Russia's relentless advance toward the West, it is vital to reinforce the permit with other measures, particularly by increasing Ukraine's anti-aircraft capabilities with weapons such as Patriot missiles. The Institute for the Study of War reports that Russia is close to beginning production of the much deadlier three-ton glide bombs, which could be a game-changer. The only countermeasure is to attack the bombers before they drop their payload. This means that we must do everything possible to help Ukraine obtain F-16 fighter jets as soon as possible. In doing so, we will also complement Ukraine's resilience on the battlefield and its significant achievements in the development of air and sea drones and long-range artillery.
Ensuring Putin does not win is vital to our security and prosperity. Over the past year, he has laid bare his intention to intimidate and challenge us. Moscow held a joint naval exercise with China near Alaska; organized a tactical nuclear weapons exercise in northern Ukraine; removed buoys marking maritime borders around the Baltic states; and allegedly deployed anti-satellite weapons in space. Today, it seems unthinkable that Russia would destroy our GPS or seize our oil platforms off Alaska. But so was Russia's World War II-style invasion of Ukraine just three years ago.
There is special significance in the timing of Biden's gun authorization, announced shortly after Memorial Day. At Arlington National Cemetery, honoring America's fallen heroes, he sent a somber reminder that we should not take our freedom for granted. “Every generation,” he said, “has to earn it; fight for it; defend it. “Democracy and freedom are not just about the type of government, he said, but are “the soul of our nation.”
That's why Ukrainians fight and die. An opinion poll I conducted in mid-May with the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (funded by the National Science Foundation) makes this clear. Nearly 90% of the 882 Ukrainians we surveyed reported war-related trauma, and more than 80% reported loss of family, health, homes, and jobs due to Putin's invasion. However, as in our three previous wartime surveys, 80% believe that democracy and freedom of expression are vital to their future. Ukraine's fight for survival is also a fight for what we Americans hold dear.
Mikhail Alexseev, a professor of international relations at San Diego State University, is the author of “Without Warning: Threat Assessment, Intelligence, and Global Struggle” and principal investigator of the War, Democracy, and Society project funded by the National Science Foundation.
