Haitian armed groups have dominated global headlines in recent weeks, as gunmen attack police stations, prisons and other institutions in the capital, Port-au-Prince, effectively paralyzing the city.
But the power of these gangs has long shaken daily life and politics in Haiti, plunging the country into a years-long crisis.
The latest example came this week, when Prime Minister Ariel Henry announced he would resign from office once a transitional presidential council was established and a successor was chosen.
His announcement came amid pressure from both the international community and gang leaders, who warned that the Caribbean nation could face a “civil war” if Henry, an unelected official, did not resign.
Henry's planned departure, however, has done little to moderate the control of the gangs, who control about 80 percent of Port-au-Prince.
They have also vowed to oppose any outside intervention in Haiti's affairs. That includes a United Nations-backed effort to send a multinational armed force, led by Kenya, to Haiti to help national police respond to widespread violence and unrest.
But who exactly are Haiti's armed gangs? How do gangs work and what do they want? And ultimately, how can (and should) the country address them? Here's what you need to know.
Who are the armed gangs in Haiti?
There are believed to be around 200 armed gangs operating in Haiti, about half of which have a presence in Port-au-Prince. In the capital there are two large gang coalitions.
The first, the G9 Family and Allies alliance, or simply G9, is led by Jimmy “Barbecue” Cherizier, a former Haitian police officer who is under UN and US sanctions for his role in the violence in Haiti.
The second is GPep, directed by Gabriel Jean-Pierre, also known as Ti Gabriel. He was the leader of a gang called Nan Brooklyn before the creation of G-Pep, which is based in the impoverished Cité Soleil district of Port-au-Prince.
The G9 and GPep have been rivals for years, fighting for control of Port-au-Prince neighborhoods. Both groups have been accused of mass murder and sexual violence in areas under their authority, as well as in districts they want to take over.
But Cherizier has said the two groups reached a pact late last year (called “viv ansanm,” or “living together” in Haitian Creole) to cooperate and overthrow Henry, the prime minister.
“We are not sure how long this dynamic will last,” said Mariano de Alba, senior adviser to the International Crisis Group. “But they formed a joint alliance in September 2023, basically trying to respond to the possibility of a multinational security mission being deployed in Haiti, and they wanted to avoid that.”
Where did the gangs come from?
For decades, Haiti's gangs have been closely associated with politicians, political parties, businessmen or other so-called “elites” in the country.
The G9, for example, has been linked to the Parti Haitien Tet Kale (PHTK), the political party of former President Jovenel Moise, assassinated in July 2021. Moise chose Henry for the position of prime minister shortly before his assassination.
For its part, the GPep has been associated with Haitian opposition parties.
When did gang violence start?
Most experts trace the phenomenon to the era of former Haitian president François “Papa Doc” Duvalier and his son, Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier, whose combined dictatorship lasted 29 years.
The Duvaliers established and used a paramilitary group, the much-feared Tontons Macoutes, to suppress opposition to their government. The brigade killed and tortured thousands of people.
Robert Fatton, a Haiti expert and professor at the University of Virginia, said armed gangs are not a new phenomenon in Haiti. “They have been part of the country's history for a long, long time,” he told Al Jazeera.
But Fatton explained that armed groups in Haiti today are different.
How is that?
They have better weapons than before and have reached a new “level of sophistication” in their attacks, Fatton said. For example, drones were reported to have been used when gunmen stormed two Port-au-Prince prisons in early March, as part of the latest round of violence.
Fatton also explained that armed groups were, “until recently,” indebted to politicians, political parties and businessmen. Those individuals “could control them,” Fatton said. But that is no longer the case.
“They are a force unto themselves,” Fatton said. “That means they can essentially dictate to certain politicians or many politicians, so to speak, what they should or can do.”
How did gangs become autonomous?
“They have been able to accumulate a lot more money independently of politicians and businessmen,” Fatton said. This includes extortion, as well as kidnapping for ransom, drug trafficking and small arms smuggling.
But both Fatton and de Alba emphasized that Haitian armed groups are not just criminal in nature.
“They also have a political aspect,” de Alba told Al Jazeera. “They earn their income through illicit activities and are willing to use their weapons for political purposes.”
So what do they want?
De Alba said Haiti's major gangs have increasingly made political demands, particularly after the assassination of President Moise in 2021 left a power vacuum in the country's government.
The most recent surge in gang violence, for example, included a call for Prime Minister Henry to resign.
But his ambitions go further. For example, G9 chief Cherizier has warned that his forces will oppose any foreign intervention in Haiti and has said that he wants to help lead the country out of its current crisis.
“These are groups that increasingly think that the only way to retain not only their relevance but also their existence is if they are able to at least manage some significant degree of political power,” de Alba said.
Fatton summarized the gangs' long-term goals as one of lasting influence on Haiti's leadership. “It's not just a matter of 'let me do whatever I want in terms of criminal activity.' It's more like, “I want a piece of power.” Period.”
OK. Knowing all this, how does Haiti address gang violence?
That's the million dollar question. And although there is no clear answer, most experts agree that the problem of gang violence in Haiti cannot be separated from the general political and economic situation.
The country is the poorest in Latin America and one of the most unequal in terms of wealth distribution. It faces a number of systemic problems, such as high unemployment and lack of opportunities, which contribute to the power of armed groups.
“Many young people and young men have no future, no jobs, no education. They really have no hope. You can understand why some of them join gangs. That is a structural, social and economic problem,” Fatton said.
But while addressing those problems will require a long-term vision for the country, Fatton said there is a pressing need to restore order right now.
Violence has displaced more than 200,000 people in Port-au-Prince and Haitian police lack the resources to confront the gangs. The UN World Food Program also warned this week that Haiti “is on the brink of a devastating hunger crisis.”
Will the Kenyan-led force be deployed?
That's not clear either. Kenyan officials said Tuesday that the East African country was pausing the planned security mission to Haiti to wait and see how the political transition unfolds.
Kenyan President William Ruto saying on Wednesday that his country “will assume leadership” of the mission in Haiti “as soon as the Presidential Council is established according to an agreed process.”
Haitian groups are in the process of choosing representatives of the Presidential Transition Council, as established by the bloc of nations of the Caribbean Community and Common Market (CARICOM), in the terms established on Monday. The United States, the UN and others were also part of those negotiations.
The transitional council will have seven voting members, chosen from various Haitian political factions and the private sector, and two non-voting observers. He will be tasked with choosing an interim prime minister.
U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken told reporters Wednesday afternoon that Washington expects the transition council to be formed “in the coming days.”
De Alba said that while “a mechanism is needed to strengthen the security situation in Haiti… the gangs are so mixed within the population that it is going to be really difficult for any multinational security mission to deal with them by force alone.” ”. ”.
So what else has to happen?
De Alba said that the crisis must be addressed in two ways: security and politics.
“It's a very challenging situation because, at the same time, Haiti has already had a very bad history of foreign intervention, which has led nowhere,” he said. “It is not a question [of] putting a lot of money on the table [and then] “This will be solved.”
In de Alba's view, Haitians must take the lead in finding solutions, but they will also need help to establish functioning state institutions.
“If that doesn't happen and if the current government is not able to deliver for its people, then these gangs will continue to have the advantage,” he said.
Fatton echoed the need for stable leadership. “It is a very long road, but the immediate problem is the formation of the new government, the selection of a prime minister by the new government,” he said.
Then the next consideration, he added, will be addressing gang violence.
“Can you negotiate with gangs? If negotiations cannot be held with the gangs, will the Kenyans arrive in time and have the capacity to deal with them?
