Ukrainian drones fly without ammunition. Russian artillery fires deadly volleys from safe positions beyond the reach of kyiv's troops. Shortages of ammunition and supplies are causing Moscow to lose ground, US congressional leaders warn, but the Republican-controlled House of Representatives has shown little rush to resupply Ukraine with military aid.
Across Washington, officials are watching the drop in ammunition shipments with growing alarm. It has been more than two months since the United States (which since World War II has called itself the “Arsenal of Democracy”) last sent military supplies to Ukraine.
But House Speaker Mike Johnson appears determined to chart his own course away from a $95 billion foreign aid package passed by the Senate, a decision that could stall the package for weeks after an already arduous wait of months in Congress.
With U.S. military shipments cut off, Ukrainian troops withdrew from the eastern town of Avdiivka last month, where outnumbered defenders had held off a Russian attack for four months. Delays in military support from the West are complicating the task of kyiv's military strategists, forcing troops to ration ammunition and ultimately costing the lives of Ukrainian soldiers.
“If Ukraine gets the help, it will win. If they don’t get the aid, they will lose, with dire consequences for the United States,” said Senate Majority Leader Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.), who recently visited Ukraine.
Defense officials are discussing options, including the possibility of tapping existing stockpiles even before Congress approves funding to replenish them, according to Sen. Jack Reed (D-R.I.), chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee. And at a meeting at the White House this week, President Biden, Congress' two top Democrats and Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky took turns strongly urging Johnson to accept a Senate-passed package that would provide $60 billion in assistance to Kiev. .
So far, the Republican president has refused.
The Louisiana Republican, who has only been in the powerful position of president and second in line for the presidency for four months, is under intense pressure from all sides. The leaders of 23 European parliaments signed an open letter urging him to approve the aid. And within his own House ranks, senior Republicans are increasingly unsettled by the inaction, even as other far-right members have threatened to try to remove him from leadership if aid for kyiv moves forward.
“The House is actively considering options moving forward, but our first responsibility is to fund the government and our first and foremost responsibility – and it has been for the last three years – has been to secure the border,” Johnson said at a news conference. Press conference.
Johnson responded to pressure on Ukraine by saying the House had only received funding legislation in mid-February, after the Senate took four months to negotiate, including on law enforcement policies on the US-Mexico border. . The border security agreement quickly collapsed after Republicans, including Johnson, criticized the proposal as insufficient. However, Johnson and other House Republicans are once again hoping to score some wins on border security.
When Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky visited Congress late last year, he told Johnson that military aid would last until February. But as Congress entered March, Johnson has so far allowed House members to craft their own proposals and has revealed little about his plans for the package.
“We are beyond the deadline that it should have taken, this analysis and careful consideration by the House should have been completed before the end of the year or very shortly after the new year,” said Rep. French Hill, R-Arkansas. .
Hill and several other senior Republicans are pressuring Johnson to act by crafting a new national security package in the House. That bill, which is being drafted by Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Michael McCaul and key appointees, is expected to cost less than the $95 billion Senate package but includes many similar provisions, including money that Ukraine, Israel and Indo-Pacific allies could use. to purchase American military equipment, as well as some humanitarian assistance.
It could also include a version of the Rebuilding Economic Prosperity and Opportunity for Ukrainians, or REPO Act, which would allow the United States to tap frozen assets of the Russian central bank to compensate Ukraine for damage caused by the invasion, he said. Hill. He said it would save taxpayers money in the long run and help win Republican votes in the House.
“It's more about finding a way forward,” said veteran Rep. Tom Cole (R-Okla.), chairman of the Rules committee. “But a substantial majority of both houses of Congress want to help Ukraine. There were 70 there,” he said of the Senate’s strong support, “and the vote here will be well over 300.”
Rep. Annie Kuster of New Hampshire, who leads a group of centrist Democrats called the New Dems, said many in her party are willing to help Johnson pass a military aid package if he brings it to the floor. But she said the bill already passed by the Senate would have the broadest support.
“We are at a critical juncture right now and I encourage President Johnson to work with us,” Kuster said. “He has a very slim majority.”
Meanwhile, any Pentagon decision to send weapons to Ukraine before Congress approves funding is fraught with risk. Since there is no money to replace shipped equipment and weapons, the military would be depleting its reserves and potentially risking units' readiness for war.
Additionally, there are concerns that the Pentagon's action could deter Congress from moving quickly on the funding bill.
Reed said it would make more sense for Congress to approve the supplemental package, because then the Pentagon “could immediately order the equipment they are decommissioning. We run the risk of running out of equipment and not being able to replace it or have confidence in the replacement.”
Groves and Mascaró are Associated Press reporters.
