The popularity of Mexican president lasts despite the growing concerns of corruption


Tens of thousands of Mexicans are ready to meet in the center of Sunday in a tribute choreographed to President Claudia Sheinbaum, who closed her initial year in office with approval grades north of 70%.

In addition to her personal popularity as the first woman president of Mexico, surveys show strong support among poor Mexicans and working class for their continuation of social assistance programs launched by her predecessor and mentor, former President Andrés Manuel López Obrador.

Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum shouts during the annual cry of independence (cry of independence) as part of the celebration of Mexico's independence day on September 15 in Mexico City.

(Héctor Vivas / Getty Images)

Sheinbaum, who assumed the position on October 1, has accepted and expanded the leftist social agenda of López Obrador, often repeating his mantra: “For everyone's good, the poor first.”

But, in the midst of applause, there is also a disconnection: surveys and interviews show deep concerns about crime, economy and, increasingly, the decisive issue of corruption, whose elimination is a central table of the president's brunette movement, founded by former President López Obrado.

Almost three quarters of respondents (73%) gave the Government of Sheinbaum a negative qualification for its handling of corruption, the poorest brand to date for their anti -corruption efforts, according to a survey last month of the newspaper El Financiero.

We are seeing the same corruption as in the previous governments, it is very disappointing

– Lorena Santibañez, Medicine student

While crime remains the most pressing concern of Mexicans, many cite corruption as a central theme that could eventually erode confidence in the administration of Sheinbaum, whose term lasts five more years.

“We are seeing the same corruption as in the previous governments. It is very disappointing,” said Lorena Santibañez, a medical student. “I want to give The President The benefit of doubt: it is your first year. But I don't have much hope. “

The almost daily headlines here are instances of alleged graft, nepotism and other questionable behavior within the ruling circles of Sheinbaum. Some reports have focused on relatives or associates near Retired López Obrador, whom Sheinbaum regularly praises as a visionary and an example of moral integrity.

Corruption revelations tend to vary from the venal something: large peoples living in limited government salaries that enjoy luxurious lifestyles) to more insidious accusations of Morena officials in the league with organized crime.

Making a splash on social networks this summer were news reports about the ritted vacations of several heavyweights of Morena, particularly Andrés Manuel López Beltrán, son of the former president, who serves as secretary of the Morena party.

His stay at a $ 400 tokyo hotel per night and reported a $ 2,600 restaurant bill caused outrage in a nation where many earn $ 10 per day or less. Amid the growing reports of Morena officials who enjoy high life abroad, Sheinbaum pointed out his disapproval.

“Power must be exercised with humility, that is my position and it will always be,” he told reporters. “We have a responsibility with the movement we represent and the principles we represent.”

No accusation has touched Sheinbaum, a scientist and academic for a long time known for his austere lifestyle and serious behavior.

“We have not heard of any scandal about her, corrupt or family relatives in a public office that do business,” said José Farías, 54, a bus driver. “That has helped her stay popular, along with the fact that people see her well prepared, intelligent and honorable.”

Sheinbaum, who was recruited for the public service by López Obrador while she was a dark academic and he, mayor of Mexico City, is now the carrier of Morena. It is a movement that, in just over a decade, has become a giant.

Morena dominates the Government, the Judiciary and other facets of Mexican life in a way that has made inevitable comparisons with a previous Mexican politician: the Institutional Revolutionary Party, known as the PRI, which ruled Mexico authoritatively for much of the twentieth century.

The PRI is now very diminished, and the Morena model differs from the PRI plays book of manipulated elections, institutionalized graft, repression and an almighty president. But many of Morena's old guard, including López Obrador, obtained their stripes as PRI agents.

“It is very difficult to explain the hegemony of Morena without recognizing that he cannibalized a lot of what was left of the PRI,” said Carlos Bravo Regidor, a political analyst. “And much of what was left of the PRI was criminal governance and complicity with criminal organizations.”

Such complicity has become more problematic as the Trump administration has essentially declared the war against drug cartels, designating half a dozen Mexican crimes unions as terrorist groups. Several recent scandals have suggested that Morena's politicians were conspired with organized crime.

The main member of the Senate of Morena, Adam Augusto, López Hernández, former Minister of the Interior, former governor of the state of Tabasco and associate of the whole life of López Obrador, has publicly denied the links with a crowd known as La Barredora (the sweep). The alleged leader of La Barredora, a former security chief in Tabasco, is now imprisoned in Mexico after being arrested as a fugitive in Paraguay.

It was López Hernández who, although Governor of Tabasco, appointed the alleged head of the mafia for the security post. The senator says he knew nothing.

Even the Mexican Navy, classified among the most tight institutions of the Nation, has been involved in a high -range fuel prejudice scheme, with 14 suspects arrested so far. One is the admiral's nephew who served as Secretary of the Navy under López Obrador. In response, Sheinbaum defended the Admiral and said he helped denounce the theft.

Repeatedly, Sheinbaum has been put in the position to declare that no one is above the law. “We will not cover ourselves to anyone,” he has become a presidential mantra.

Some reformers have accredited Sheinbaum to confront corruption, while others say that it has been too cautious, too empty, to assume a problem deeply rooted in Mexican politics.

“Many people inside Morena says: 'Let's push the bad apples,” said Bravo Regidor. “But what is rotten is the barrel, not apples.”

Earlier this year, the president publicly pressed to Morena to institute a strict antinepotism policy. But his plan met strong winds against a party where sponsorship is a rampant.

Luisa María Mayor Luján, a lawyer who presides as president of Morena, has mocked to declare that the party has no nepotism. His two parents were prominent in the López Obrador government, and his sister is the Attorney General of Mexico City.

“It's so false when Morena's politicians say there is no corruption,” said Miguel Angel García, 32, seller. “Yes, Sheinbaum is more honest. But he has a lot of work to do.”

The special correspondent Cecilia Sánchez Vidal contributed to this report.

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